When the Supreme Court debated this spring whether to limit access to a widely used abortion medication, a majority of justices seemed inclined to rule against the lawsuit by finding that the antiabortion doctors behind it had no legal basis to bring the case.
Clinics up the East Coast have seen a surge in patient traffic since a law banning most abortions in Florida went into effect on May 1 – but so far they have not experienced the collapse in care that many providers had feared…
Plenty has happened with abortion access in the nearly two years since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. State laws have been changing constantly, new bans have taken effect, and there have been a slew of lawsuits and ballot measures. There are total bans on abortion with very limited exceptions in 14 states.
In the 18 months following the Supreme Court’s decision that ended federal protection for abortion, the number of abortions in the U.S. has continued to grow, according to The Society of Family Planning’s WeCount project.
Millions of Latinx Floridians and Arizonans started off the month of May with new and looming restrictions on their reproductive health decisions.
Starting today, people can no longer access legal abortions in Florida beyond six weeks of pregnancy, except in rare circumstances.
A federal law requires most US hospitals to provide an abortion to patients experiencing a medical emergency if an abortion is the proper medical treatment for that emergency.
Enacted by Congress in 1986, EMTALA requires U.S. hospitals that receive Medicare funding to give “necessary stabilizing treatment” to people in emergencies, regardless of their ability to pay or whether or not they have insurance.
Leah found out she was five weeks pregnant on the same day that the Arizona Supreme Court upheld an 1864 law banning nearly all abortions in the state.
Arizona’s highest court upheld an 1864 law that bans nearly all abortions, a decision that could have far-reaching consequences for women’s health care and election-year politics in a critical battleground state.
Recent budget proposals by the Biden administration and Republicans in Congress show how the two parties plan to support – or not – women and families.
The Florida Supreme Court overturned decades of legal precedent on Monday in ruling that the State Constitution’s privacy protections do not extend to abortion, effectively allowing Florida to ban the procedure after six weeks of pregnancy.
In the first abortion-related case before the Supreme Court since its 2022 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, a majority of the justices appeared to express skepticism that a coalition of anti-abortion doctors had the right to challenge the Food and Drug Administration’s 2016 and 2021 decisions to expand access to mifepristone, a drug used for medication abortion.
To understand the evolving landscape for abortion in the United States, you have to consider two seemingly contradictory things.
Vice President Harris is visiting an abortion clinic in Minnesota on Thursday — an extraordinary stop meant to signal the importance the Biden campaign is placing on reproductive rights in the 2024 presidential race.
The two largest pharmacy chains in the United States will start dispensing the abortion pill mifepristone this month, a step that could make access easier for some patients.
The Dobbs decision poses a fundamental threat to key pillars of a functioning democracy by diluting constitutional and federal protections, preferencing state power over individual freedoms, and handing over greater control to existing – and often, biased – power structures…
To the fellas in the Republican Party: Are we having fun yet with post-Dobbs reproductive rights policy? As was not unexpected after Dobbs, a state Supreme Court (Alabama’s in this case) has determined that frozen embryos have personhood rights, prompting the state’s largest hospital to halt IVF treatments for fear of legal repercussions.
An Alabama Supreme Court’s ruling that frozen embryos in test tubes should be considered children has sent shock waves through the world of reproductive medicine, casting doubt over fertility care for would-be parents in the state and raising complex legal questions with implications extending far beyond Alabama.
Anti-abortion facilities raked in at least $1.4bn in revenue in the 2022 fiscal year, the year Roe v. Wadefell – a staggering haul that includes at least $344m in government money, according to a memo analyzing the centers’ tax documents that was compiled by a pro-abortion rights group and shared exclusively with the Guardian.
